EDITOR’S NOTE TO READERS

Thomas DeVore is a former Republican nominee for Illinois attorney general, a conservative activist and an outspoken critic of his own party’s leadership. His public record and confrontational style have made him both influential and controversial.

FactsFirstus.com initially treated DeVore’s five-part Facebook series as allegations requiring corroboration. His posts contained serious claims about an internal vote, party finances, campaign contributions and the legal standing of the Illinois Republican Party.

At first, our investigative team was uncertain whether to publish the allegations or allow an internal party dispute to remain exactly that: internal.

That changed when DeVore released an email dated August 28, 2026, from Illinois Republican State Central Committeeman Jeff Castle to Chairman Bob Grogan and every member of the State Central Committee.

The email does not independently prove every financial calculation, accusation or conclusion DeVore presented. It does, however, confirm that an executive-session discussion involving vote tallies occurred, that Grogan and legal counsel requested confidentiality, that Castle was receiving questions about how he voted and that DeVore had obtained a remarkably detailed account of what happened inside the meeting.

FactsFirstus.com attempted to obtain comment from Grogan before publication. Those efforts went unanswered.

The financial figures described in this story are attributed to DeVore unless an official filing or statute is specifically identified. The internal vote has not been publicly documented by the Illinois Republican Party. Grogan and the seventeen members of the State Central Committee should be given an opportunity to confirm, deny or explain it.

THE PARTY BEHIND THE LOCKED DOOR

An alleged vote to abandon Republican candidates, troubling financial records and a leaked email raise a brutal question: Is the Illinois GOP preparing to compete, or preparing its excuse for losing?

By FactsFirstus.com Investigative Unit | August 29, 2026

It is election year across America, but in Illinois, the mood among many Republicans is not resignation.

It is hope.

Republicans see an opening in a state where voters are increasingly frustrated by high taxes, the rising cost of living, crime, public safety concerns and continued questions about the performance of state government.

Independents who may not identify with either party are looking for another direction. Some Democrats have grown tired of one-party control and the scandals that continue to emerge from Springfield.

That gives the Illinois Republican Party something it has rarely possessed in recent years: a genuine opportunity.

Republican leaders said as much during Republican Day at the Illinois State Fair. They talked about affordability, property taxes, government ethics and the possibility of breaking the Democratic supermajorities controlling the General Assembly.

The message was clear. Republicans wanted the 2026 election to become a referendum on Governor J.B. Pritzker, his record and the direction of Illinois.

But while Republican candidates were making that case in public, Thomas DeVore says something very different was happening behind a closed door.

According to DeVore, Aaron Del Mar stood before the seventeen-member Illinois Republican State Central Committee and asked the state party to support the Republican candidates appearing on the statewide ballot.

DeVore wrote that Del Mar did not demand a particular amount. He did not insist on an expensive advertising campaign or a major financial commitment.

He asked for something.

One thousand dollars. Five thousand dollars. Even fifty dollars.

Whatever the party could provide to demonstrate that it stood behind the candidates Republican voters had nominated.

DeVore claimed committee members attempted to avoid the request, forcing Del Mar to bring the matter to a vote.

The result, according to DeVore, was eleven to six.

Eleven members allegedly voted against providing any financial support to the party’s statewide Republican candidates. Six voted in favor.

That vote has not been independently released by the Illinois Republican Party. FactsFirstus.com has not been provided official minutes confirming the motion, the amount under consideration or the roll call.

The leaked Castle email, however, confirms that a discussion involving vote tallies occurred during executive session. It also confirms that members were being questioned about how they voted.

That moves the controversy beyond a social-media argument. It creates a legitimate demand for answers.

“Was someone recording our executive session, or was someone providing DeVore with a detailed account of what was said?”

— Jeff Castle, email to the Illinois Republican State Central Committee

DeVore identified Zach Emberton, the State Central Committeeman representing the 15th Congressional District, as one of the eleven members who voted against providing assistance. He said he knew the identities of all eleven but did not plan to publish the entire list.

Instead, he urged Republican voters to contact the person representing their congressional district and ask one direct question: How did you vote?

The answer should not be complicated.

If DeVore’s account is wrong, committee members can say so.

If the motion concerned restricted funds, legal limitations, timing or another strategic consideration, they can explain it.

If the vote was accurately described, Republican voters deserve to know why eleven of the seventeen people entrusted with running the state party allegedly refused to provide even symbolic support to the candidates those voters nominated.

DeVore’s explanation was severe. He accused Grogan and members of the party establishment of withholding support because their preferred candidates did not win the Republican primary.

That alleged motive has not been established as fact.

The most effective way for the party to answer it is not to attack DeVore’s history, election loss or personality. It is to release the motion, the vote and the reasoning behind it.

Instead, the party has remained silent.

Then Castle’s email emerged.

Castle wrote that someone had disregarded a request from Grogan and legal counsel that the executive portion of the meeting, including discussions and vote tallies, remain confidential.

He said he was receiving emails from people across Illinois asking how he voted on a matter discussed during the executive session.

Castle attributed those questions directly to DeVore’s social-media series, writing that DeVore had publicly recounted topics from the private meeting in remarkable detail and, in some instances, nearly verbatim.

Castle wanted to know whether someone had recorded the session or provided DeVore with a detailed account.

He called either possibility concerning.

He also accused DeVore of inserting himself into internal party affairs, creating conflict and distrust and positioning himself to capitalize on the resulting disputes through litigation and what Castle called lawfare.

Castle then asked every committee member to leave DeVore out of the State Central Committee’s internal business.

“Confidentiality has to mean something, particularly when the Chair and legal counsel specifically request it.”

— Jeff Castle, email to the Illinois Republican State Central Committee

The email is striking for what it addresses and what it does not.

It addresses confidentiality.

It addresses mistrust.

It addresses DeVore.

It does not explain the underlying vote. It does not identify the issue connected to the tally. It does not tell Republican voters whether the committee voted against supporting its own statewide nominees.

It does not say what assistance the candidates requested or what support the party intends to provide.

It does not explain why an organization created to elect Republicans would need to hide how its elected committee members voted on supporting Republican candidates.

DeVore’s first installment detonated because it touched an old nerve within the Illinois Republican Party.

Many conservative voters have long believed that party leaders tolerate grassroots Republicans during campaigns but dismiss them when decisions are made. They believe candidates chosen by primary voters are sometimes treated as inconveniences when they are not the preferred choices of donors, consultants or establishment figures.

DeVore gave that suspicion a vote count: eleven to six.

Reaction came quickly.

Tim Latronico described the situation as the “I told you so cycle.” His argument was that establishment Republicans would withhold meaningful help, wait for the candidates to lose and then use those defeats to claim the candidates were always unelectable.

“They can’t wait to say, ‘See, I told you Darren Bailey was unelectable and couldn’t win.’”

— Tim Latronico, Facebook comment

Mary McMahon contrasted the reported division with the discipline she sees among Illinois Democrats. Democrats may fight privately, she argued, but they still unite to prevent Republicans from winning.

Cindy Ochs Backstein asked why eleven Republicans would deny help to their party’s candidates while warning voters about the consequences of another Pritzker term.

Those reactions were among hundreds posted as DeVore continued releasing information.

Then he turned to the money.

DeVore claimed the Illinois Republican Party had approximately $500,000 between its state and federal accounts.

The cupboard, he argued, was not empty.

That made the alleged eleven-to-six vote more difficult to explain. If the committee had no money, refusing a major request might have been unavoidable. DeVore insisted the request was not for a major expenditure. He said Del Mar told the committee that even a small amount would demonstrate support.

DeVore then examined the party’s July financial activity.

He claimed ordinary Illinois Republican donors contributed approximately $4,600 during the month. The median donation was about $25, he said, with many contributors identifying themselves as retired.

According to DeVore’s review, the party spent approximately $18,570 raising that money.

He pointed to direct-mail expenses involving Maryland, digital-fundraising payments involving Virginia and credit-card processing expenses paid to another Virginia company.

His calculation was devastating: approximately $3.99 spent for every dollar raised from ordinary Illinois Republican donors.

If accurate, that would mean the fundraising operation was not generating net resources for candidates, field operations or voter contact. It was consuming money to produce less money.

DeVore claimed the federal operation spent approximately $35,000 in July, with more than half directed toward fundraising.

Advertising for the month, he wrote, totaled $60.55.

Payroll across two pay periods was approximately $3,048, which he characterized as roughly the equivalent of one part-time employee running a statewide party during a midterm election year.

DeVore also claimed that none of the thirty payments listed for the month went to a county Republican organization, canvassing operation, phone program, text-messaging effort or paid organizer working inside Illinois.

Those figures require careful comparison with the party’s complete state and federal disclosures. Timing differences, restricted funds, shared expenses and costs reported through other political organizations could affect the larger picture.

The federal committee’s reports are publicly available through the Federal Election Commission. The party can identify any calculation it believes DeVore misstated and provide the documentation supporting its position.

It has not done so publicly.

Instead, DeVore argued that Grogan inherited reserves accumulated under former chair Kathy Salvi and was spending those reserves faster than he could replenish them.

Using his July figures, DeVore described a monthly gap of approximately $30,000.

At that pace, he argued, the party’s remaining reserves could last approximately twelve to eighteen months.

That is not a sustainable political operation. It is a countdown.

Reader reaction moved from anger to action. Some Republicans said they would bypass the state party and donate directly to candidates.

“If I wholeheartedly support a candidate, they receive the donation directly.”

— Edward Hubbard, Facebook comment

Terry Blakeman said he had been telling people not to waste their money on the Republican Party and instead give it to individual candidates. He warned that party finances could become significantly worse if leaders continued refusing to listen.

Kevin Wheeler reduced the entire controversy to one painful question.

“And this is the party that’s supposed to be better than the one running things now?”

— Kevin Wheeler, Facebook comment

DeVore then revealed what he called the second story hidden within the July receipts.

In addition to the approximately $4,600 from ordinary donations, he said another $39,086 entered the federal account from Illinois Republicans.

That money, however, was allegedly not intended for campaigning in Illinois.

DeVore said it was ticket revenue for admission to a Republican National Committee midterm convention in Dallas.

According to his account, admission cost $750. A $1,500 ticket came with the title of delegate, although DeVore said delegates were not voting on substantive convention business.

Travel, lodging and meals were additional expenses.

DeVore was careful not to attack the people purchasing the tickets. He described many of them as loyal Republicans who had carried the party financially for years.

That, he argued, was precisely the point.

The $39,086 demonstrated that Illinois Republicans with financial resources were still willing to spend money on Republican politics. The comparatively small amount given directly to the state organization suggested they were unwilling to trust Grogan’s operation with it.

In DeVore’s telling, the state party was not the recipient of the Dallas money. It was merely the turnstile through which the money passed on its way to Texas.

His comparison was intentionally provocative.

DeVore estimated that $39,086 could purchase approximately 781,000 political text messages at five cents each. He claimed Illinois had roughly 770,000 low-propensity Republican voters who participated in presidential elections but frequently skipped other contests.

Political-messaging costs vary. Vendor prices, compliance expenses, targeting, list quality and message volume would all affect the actual reach.

The broader question remains.

Weeks before Illinois voters begin casting ballots, should scarce political money and energy be directed toward reaching voters in Illinois or purchasing access to a national political event in Texas?

The Republican National Committee may have victories to celebrate. Texas Republicans certainly do.

The Illinois Republican Party has not won a statewide election since 2014. Democrats maintain supermajorities in both legislative chambers. Republicans have not held the governor’s office since Pritzker defeated Bruce Rauner in 2018.

The Illinois GOP does not need proximity to somebody else’s success.

It needs a plan for creating its own.

DeVore’s next installment moved beyond political strategy and into campaign-finance compliance.

He alleged that on May 26, shortly after Grogan became chairman, the Illinois Republican Party accepted a $30,000 corporate contribution from Residual Based Finance Corp. of Chicago.

DeVore said the applicable inflation-adjusted corporate contribution limit was $29,100. He pointed out that the party reportedly printed that amount in the fine print of its own gala invitation.

If the applicable limit was $29,100, the contribution exceeded it by $900.

DeVore then identified a $900 disbursement from the party’s federal committee to the corporation. He said the payment was reported to the Federal Election Commission as a “donation” and placed in an “other” category.

He claimed the corporation had not contributed money to the federal committee, making the exact $900 payment particularly noteworthy.

DeVore’s conclusion was that the federal account had attempted to correct an excessive contribution received by the state account.

That conclusion requires an official explanation from the party and review by the appropriate election authorities. A payment from one committee does not automatically establish its purpose, and public reporting labels can sometimes be incomplete or imprecise.

The underlying legal framework, however, is clear.

Section 9-8.5 of the Illinois Election Code makes it unlawful for a political committee to accept contributions outside the limits permitted by law.

Subsection (j) allows a committee to dispose of an improper contribution by returning it, or an equal amount, to the contributor or donating it to charity.

If the State Board of Elections sends certified notice of an excessive contribution and the committee does not properly dispose of it within thirty days, the contribution may escheat to the state’s General Revenue Fund. The committee may also face a civil penalty of up to 150 percent of the total contribution.

That final provision must be presented accurately.

The statute does not automatically impose the maximum penalty on the day an excessive check is accepted. The thirty-day period described in subsection (j) begins after the State Board of Elections sends notice to the committee.

FactsFirstus.com has not independently confirmed that the Board sent such notice.

The reporting questions remain direct.

Was the $30,000 contribution excessive under the limit applicable at the time?

If it was, did the party correct it?

Did the correction come from the proper account?

Was the transaction accurately reported to state and federal election authorities?

Grogan’s professional background makes those questions politically potent.

He is a certified public accountant, a certified fraud examiner and a former DuPage County auditor. He built much of his public identity around financial transparency, fraud prevention and opening government records to public examination.

A bookkeeping problem under his chairmanship cannot be dismissed as a technicality or a hostile personal attack.

It demands documentation.

“The boring CPA cannot even do the boring part.”

— Thomas DeVore, Facebook post

DeVore’s fifth installment moved from campaign-finance records to the Illinois Secretary of State’s business database.

The Illinois Republican Party is organized as an Illinois not-for-profit corporation under file number 67163303.

DeVore said the Secretary of State’s public database listed the organization as “not good standing.” He attributed that status to the absence of a 2026 annual report.

An annual report is not an election strategy. It does not require television advertising, polling, a statewide fundraising network or an army of volunteers.

It is a basic corporate filing.

Failure to file an annual report can eventually become grounds for administrative dissolution under the Illinois General Not For Profit Corporation Act.

But urgency cannot be allowed to outrun accuracy.

A designation of “not good standing” is serious and should be addressed, especially by a statewide political organization operating during an election year. It does not, by itself, prove that dissolution is immediate or inevitable.

One commenter, Jimmie Waters, pushed back on DeVore’s interpretation. Waters said Illinois not-for-profit corporations may remain delinquent for a substantial period and can often correct the issue by filing the overdue report and paying a modest fee.

That competing explanation deserves confirmation from the Secretary of State.

The relevant questions are whether a notice of delinquency was issued, when any statutory cure period began, whether the annual report remains outstanding and what consequence actually applies to this organization.

That distinction does not make the lapse meaningless.

It makes it unnecessary.

A statewide political party asking voters to entrust Republicans with Illinois government should be capable of keeping its own corporate filing current.

The political damage comes from the accumulation.

A party accused of refusing to fund its nominees.

A party reportedly spending far more to solicit ordinary donations than those solicitations produced.

A party whose well-funded supporters were willing to purchase access to a national event but reluctant to give unrestricted money to the state organization.

A party confronting questions about a corporate contribution and a federal-account payment.

A party listed as not in good standing while preparing to argue that Republicans should be trusted to manage the State of Illinois.

Each issue may have an explanation.

Together, they demand one.

“Will anyone notice if it’s dissolved?”

— Terry Blakeman, Facebook comment

DeVore’s planned series ended there, but the controversy did not.

He was attacked by critics, political figures and some members of the media who pointed to his unsuccessful attorney general campaign, his combative reputation and problems from his personal and professional past.

DeVore does not pretend that history does not exist. His critics are free to scrutinize it.

None of it answers the documents.

None of it explains the alleged eleven-to-six vote.

None of it changes the numbers in official campaign filings.

None of it changes the party’s corporate status.

Most importantly, none of it explains the Castle email.

For FactsFirstus.com, that email was the hinge.

It was the moment the controversy could no longer be dismissed as DeVore shouting into the political wilderness.

Castle confirmed that there had been an executive-session discussion involving vote tallies. He confirmed that Grogan and legal counsel wanted the information kept confidential. He confirmed that individuals across Illinois were asking how he voted. He confirmed that DeVore had obtained an account so detailed that Castle wondered whether the session had been recorded.

Castle’s email did not validate every number or accusation in DeVore’s series.

It validated the existence of the secret the party was trying to protect.

DeVore responded by accusing party leaders of becoming more concerned about the leak than the substance of what had leaked.

He argued that State Central Committee members are elected by Republican voters in their congressional districts and should be accountable to those voters. He denied attempting to capitalize on the dispute through litigation or lawfare.

DeVore said that when Castle sent the email at 4:59 p.m. on August 28, he was traveling through western Illinois on his own time and at his own expense to meet with grassroots Republican leaders about increasing turnout and defeating Democrats.

Castle, meanwhile, wrote that he believed DeVore had become one of the most persistent sources of division within the Illinois Republican Party.

He urged the committee to support Grogan and focus on electing Republicans.

That goal is difficult to dispute.

The contradiction is impossible to miss.

If electing Republicans is the priority, why will the party not disclose whether its own governing committee voted against supporting Republican candidates?

Castle wrote that committee members should leave DeVore out of the State Central Committee’s internal business.

But this is no longer merely internal business.

State Central Committee members are elected by Republican voters. They represent congressional districts. They oversee the organization that accepts donations, recruits volunteers, promotes candidates and asks voters to help it win elections.

Those voters have a legitimate interest in knowing whether their representatives voted to assist the party’s nominees.

There is also an important legal distinction.

A political party committee is not automatically equivalent to a city council, county board or other public body governed by the Illinois Open Meetings Act. An internal party executive session is not necessarily subject to the same disclosure requirements as a governmental meeting.

The accountability question is therefore political, not rhetorical.

Should committee members elected by Republican voters disclose how they voted on supporting Republican nominees?

The answer should come from the seventeen committee members.

Each can say whether DeVore’s eleven-to-six tally is accurate.

Each can explain the motion.

Each can identify the financial or legal considerations involved.

Each can say whether the vote reflected restricted funds, limited resources, strategic priorities or personal opposition to the nominees.

Silence does not prove sabotage.

It guarantees suspicion.

That is why this story matters beyond one factional fight.

Illinois Republicans are asking voters to trust them with state government while their own governing committee is fighting over who may know what happened inside its meeting.

They are promising transparency and accountability in Springfield while withholding a basic account of their own decision.

They are warning that Illinois cannot afford another four years of Democratic control while their statewide candidates allegedly cannot secure even symbolic support from the organization created to elect them.

If DeVore’s account is wrong, the party can dismantle it with records.

Release the motion.

Release the tally.

Explain what was requested.

Explain the accounts.

Document the handling of the corporate contribution.

Correct the corporate filing or show that it has been corrected.

Answer the questions.

If DeVore’s account is substantially accurate, Republican voters deserve to know before they donate their money, volunteer their time and cast their ballots.

They should not learn the truth after another election-night defeat.

The most damaging possibility raised by DeVore’s series is not that the Illinois Republican Party is completely broke.

It is that the organization may have mistaken secrecy for discipline, access for achievement and internal control for electoral strength.

Castle’s email shows party leaders alarmed that information escaped the room.

Republican voters may be more alarmed by what the leak says happened inside it.

An election opportunity does not remain open forever.

Ballots arrive.

Money moves.

Volunteers decide whether to show up.

Voters decide whether anyone deserves their trust.

The Illinois Republican Party can keep arguing about Thomas DeVore, or it can answer the questions his reporting placed in public view.

It may not have time to do both.

“Call them, ask how they voted, and watch how long it takes to get a yes or no answer.”

— Thomas DeVore, Facebook post

Official Sources

• Illinois General Assembly, 10 ILCS 5/9-8.5, limitations on campaign contributions and disposal of improper contributions.

• Federal Election Commission, Illinois Republican Party–Federal committee filings, committee C00005926.

• Illinois Secretary of State, Business Entity Search, Illinois Republican Party file number 67163303.

• Illinois General Assembly, General Not For Profit Corporation Act, including 805 ILCS 105/112.35 and 805 ILCS 105/112.40.

• Illinois State Board of Elections, campaign-disclosure database and contribution-limit publications.

• Illinois Republican Party, official listing of party officers and State Central Committee members.

• Capitol News Illinois, “Amid Democratic scandals, Illinois Republicans hoping to flip legislative seats,” August 20, 2026.

• Thomas DeVore, five-part Facebook series and subsequent response concerning the Illinois Republican Party, August 2026.

• Jeff Castle, email to Chairman Bob Grogan and members of the Illinois Republican State Central Committee, August 28, 2026; copy supplied to FactsFirstus.com.